The Determinants Of Health Framework - 1168 Words

According to Newbold (1998), the determinants of health framework states that health status is dependent not only upon access to health care services, but encompasses a much broader range of determinants, including those of culture and language (p.68). The theme addressed within this paper focuses on how language and culture of Indigenous or Aboriginal peoples, impact their access to healthcare, and overall quality of that care. Aboriginal peoples face many more challenges in maintaining their health in comparison to the general population (Cameron, Camargo Plazas, Santos Salas, Bourque-Bearskin, Hungler, 2014). To understand why this may be, we will be discussing exactly how their culture and language may impact their access to quality healthcare, and how nurses can venture a response to these issues. Language Culture as Issues Language Language barriers have been demonstrated to have adverse effects on access to healthcare, quality of care, patient satisfaction, and on patient outcomes. Aboriginal patients in Canada who lack proficiency in English or French may not have access to the same quality of care as other Canadians (Bowen, 2000). Many Aboriginal peoples, especially those who may have grown up on a reservation, may only know English as a second language, if at all. Thus, quality of care for peoples who are not fluent in an official language impacts their interactions with healthcare professionals who, due to languageShow MoreRelatedCommunity Conceptual Model1689 Words   |  7 PagesConceptual Model Milios framework for prevention was created as a complement to health belief model (HBM).   HBM is based on individuals avoiding disease, but has limitations, such as placing the burden of action on the patient (Nies and McEwen, 2011).   While Milio recognized these limitations, she continued the development of her framework for prevention.   She focused on opportunities for nurses to make changes at the population level.  Ã‚   Milio also noted that health care deficits resulted in anRead MoreThe Social Determinants Of Infant Mortality And Birth Outcomes725 Words   |  3 Pagespeople work, play, grow, live that affect wide range of health and quality of life. The determinants like socio-economic status, race, ethnicity, social capital, behavioral factors (e.g., tobacco use, maternal smoking), biological and psychosocial factors (e.g., family and peer social support) which greatly affects the inequalities among minorities in infant mortality and birth outcomes (Kim, 2013). In order to understand the social determinants impacting infant mortality and birth outcomes, it isRead MoreWhy Marijuana Should Be Legal1379 Words   |  6 Pagessimple tool for policy making The theoretical framework that is used in this paper is Collins’s framework, which he describes as a simple tool for policy making (Collins 2005). Collins’s framework is a framework specifically designed for health policies and is an adapted version of Bardach’s policy framework. Bardach proposes eight steps to create a policy; he calls this the ‘eight-fold-path’. Similar to Bardach’s framework, Collins also bases his framework on eight steps. The main difference in Collins’sRead MoreThe Principles Of Public Health Intervention1384 Words   |  6 Pages3. Proposed Public Health Intervention This proposed public health intervention is based on the conceptual framework developed by QUT and the AIHW, which considers the downstream, midstream and upstream determinants of health (Draper et al., 2004). 3.1 Principles underpinning public health intervention Recommendations 1. That the design, planning, implementation and evaluation of all interventions at the downstream, midstream and upstream levels be underpinned by principles of: autonomy and controlRead MoreComparison Between Different And Methods1126 Words   |  5 Pagesprinciple concern is focus on population health issues, but institutional based planning is generally concern about an existing service or service delivery association. At this point it is clear that populace based arrangement conduct in national level while institutional-planning is conduct in organizational level. Population based planning begins with a need evaluation and based on investigating health issues or issues for their distribution, determinants, causes and hazard variables, then surveyingRead MoreBSHE 500 Take Home Exam 1 Essay1689 Words   |  7 Pagesecological framework was presented in class as providing many possible avenues for research and program implementation.   Using the required readings and lectures, write about the pros and cons of a social ecological framework for understanding health behaviors and designing health promotion programs. Your analysis should lead to a conclusion about the framework. The social ecological framework comprises of person-focused and environment-focused interventions designed to promote health. The socialRead MoreThe Psych Social Theory Of Ageing1405 Words   |  6 Pagesneighbours. 2. Active ageing is a â€Å"process of optimising opportunities for health, participation and security in order to enhance quality of life as people age† (WHO, 2002). Active ageing aligns with occupational therapy (OT) frameworks as it shares the same focus on the person, environment and occupation, in order to promote health and wellbeing. The policy framework requires action on three basic pillars; health, participation and security. This aligns with OT as it is based on the needs ofRead MoreIs Diabetes A Common Disease?1358 Words   |  6 Pages The disease that we mostly discuss that causes illness to people’s health in our society is diabetes. It is believed that 50 percent of people living in Canada have been determined to have diabetes. Diabetes is a common disease that mostly occurs with people who are in old age along with specific group of individuals. Healthcare experts are trying to find ways to improve the healthcare of individuals with diabetes by antic ipating ways by providing preventing and treatment measures for patientsRead MoreOrganization For Economic Co Operation And Development1026 Words   |  5 PagesExhibit 5.1 in the text demonstrates per capita health expenditures of selected Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries in 2007 (Feldstein, 2011). The original data source is shown in Appendix A. The updated data source for comparison of selected countries, as reflected in the Exhibit 5.1 of the text, is shown below in Figure 1. Figure 1. Updated Data Source for OECD Selected Countries Source: Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development [OECD], 2014Read MoreThe Correlation Between Dependent Variable And State Public Higher Education Appropriation957 Words   |  4 Pagesbuilt to examine the correlation between the dependent variable, state public higher education appropriation and the three independent variables, healthcare spending, social services spending and spending on political determinants, which were identified in our conceptual framework as it explains factors that affect state public higher education appropriation on 2015. The study is focusing on cross-sectional, secondary data for all 50 U.S states on the fiscal year 2015. We aim to analyze the correlation

Science Free Essays

Science Free Essays A HISTORY OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY IN THE PHILIPPINES* by Olivia C. Caoili** Introduction The need to develop a country’s science and technology has generally been recognized as one of the imperatives of socioeconomic progress in the contemporary world. This has become a widespread concern of governments especially since the post world war II years. We will write a custom essay sample on Science or any similar topic only for you Order Now (1) Among Third World countries, an important dimension of this concern is the problem of dependence in science and technology as this is closely tied up with the integrity of their political sovereignty and economic self-reliance. There exists a continuing imbalance between scientific and technological development among contemporary states with 98 per cent of all research and development facilities located in developed countries and almost wholly concerned with the latter’s problems. (2) Dependence or autonomy in science and technology has been a salient issue in conferences sponsored by the United Nations. (3) _______________________ Paper prepared for the University of the Philippines Science Research Foundation in connection with its project on â€Å"Analysis of Conditions for National Scientific and Technological Self-Reliance: The Philippine Situation,† June 1986. **Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, College of Social Sciences and Philosophy. University of the Philippines in Diliman, Quezon City. (1) For a brief summary of the evolution of government oncern for the development of science and technology, see Olivia C. Caoili, Dimensions of Science Policy and National Develo pment: The Philippine Experience, Monograph Series No. 1 (College, Laguna: Center for Policy and Development Studies, University of the Philippines at Los Banos, October 1982), pp. 4-34. (2) Guy B. Gresford and Bertrand H. Chatel, â€Å"Science and Technology in the United Nations,† World Development, Vol. II No. 1 (January 1974), p. 44. 3) See, for example, UNESCO, Science and Technology in Asian Development: Conference and Application of Science and Technology to the Development of Asia, New Delhi, August 1968 (Paris: UNESCO, 1970); United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development, Vienna, Austria, 1979, in Nature, Vol. 280 (16 August 1979), pp. 525-532. It is within the above context that this paper attempts to examine the history of science and technology in the Philippines. Rather than focusing simply on a straight chronology of events, it seeks to interpret and analyze the interdependent effects of geography, colonial trade, economic and educational policies and socio-cultural factors in shaping the evolution of present Philippine science and technology. As used in this paper, science is concerned with the systematic understanding and explanation of the laws of nature. Scientific activity centers on research, the end result of which is the discovery or production of new knowledge. 4) This new knowledge may or may not have any direct or immediate application. In comparison, technology has often been understood as the â€Å"systematic knowledge of the industrial arts. â€Å"(5) As this knowledge was implemented by means of techniques, technology has become commonly taken to mean both the knowledge and the means of its utilization, that is, â€Å"a body, of knowledge about techniques. â€Å"(6) Modern technology also involves systematic research but i ts outcome is more concrete than science, i. e. the production of â€Å"a thing, a chemical, a process, something to be bought and sold. (7) In the past, science and technology developed separately, with the latter being largely a product of trial and error in response to a particular human need. In modern times, however, the progress of science and technology have become intimately linked together. Many scientific discoveries have been facilitated by the development of new technology. New scientific knowledge in turn has often led to further refinement of existing technology or the invention of entirely new ones. ____________________ (4) Jerome R. Ravetz, Scientific knowledge and Its Social Problems (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), chap. ; James B. Conant, Science and Common Sense (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1974), chap. 2; Bernard Dixon, What is Science For? (New York: Harper and Row, 1973), chap. 2: David Knight, The Nature of Science: The History of Science in Western Culture Since 1600 (London: Andre Deutsch, 1976), chaps. 1-2. (5) E. Layton, â€Å"Conditions of Technological Development,† in Ina Spiegel-Rosing and Derek de Solla Price, eds. , Science, Technology and Society, A Cross-Disciplinary Perspective (London and Beverly Hills: Sage Publications, 1977), p. 199. (6) C. Freeman, â€Å"Economics of Research and Development. in Rosing and Price, ibid. , p. 235. (7) Derek de Solla Price, Science Since Babylon (Enlarged ed. ; New Haven: Yale University Press, 1975), p. 125. Precolonial Science and Technology There is a very little reliable written information about Philippine society, culture and technology before the arrival of the Spaniards in 1521. (8) As such, one has to reconstruct a picture of this past using contemporary archaeological findings, accounts by early traders and foreign travelers, and the narratives about conditions in the archipelago which were written by the first Spanish missionaries and colonial official s. According to these sources, there were numerous, scattered, thriving, relatively self-sufficient and autonomous communities long before the Spaniards arrived. The early Filipinos had attained a generally simple level of technological development, compared with those of the Chinese and Japanese, but this was sufficient for their needs at that period of time. Archaeological findings indicate that modern men (homo sapiens) from the Asian mainland first came over-land and across narrow channels to live in Palawan and Batangas around 50,000 years ago. For about 40,000 years, they made simple tools or weapons of stone flakes but eventually developed techniques for sawing, drilling and polishing hard stones. These Stone Age inhabitants, subsequently formed settlements in the major Philippine islands such as Sulu, Mindanao (Zamboanga, and Davao), Negros, Samar, Luzon (Batangas, Laguna, Rizal, Bulacan and the Cagayan region). By about 3,000 B. C. , they were producing adzes ornaments of seashells and pottery of various designs. The manufacture of pottery subsequently became well developed and flourished for about 2,000 years until it came into competition with imported Chinese porcelain. Thus over time pottery making declined. What has survived of this ancient technology is the lowest level, i. e. , the present manufacture of the ordinary cooking pot among several local communities. (9) Gradually, the early Filipinos learned to make metal tools and implements — copper, gold, bronze and, later, iron. The iron age is considered to have lasted from the second or third century B. C. o the tenth century A. D. Excavations of Philippine graves and work sites have yielded iron slags. These suggest ________________ (8) William Henry Scott in Prehispanic Source Materials for the Study of Philippine History (Rev. ed. ; Quezon City: New Day Publishers, 1984), asserts that there are only two authentic medieval Chinese accounts about prehispanic Philippines. He points out questionable documents which have been the basis for information about this period and which were popularized in Philippines History textbooks, including theories that have been mistaken for facts. Cf. Otley Beyer, â€Å"The Philippines before Magellan,† and Robert B. Fox, â€Å"The Philippines in Prehistoric Times,† in readings in Philippine Prehistory (Manila: Filipiniana Book Guild, 1979), Second Series, Vol. I, pp. 8-34; 35-61. (9) Scott, op. cit. , pp. 20-22. that Filipinos during this period engaged in the actual extraction of iron from ore, smelting and refining. But it appears that the iron industry, like the manufacture of pottery, did not survive the competition with imported cast iron from Sarawak and much later, from China. (10) By the first century A. D. Filipinos were weaving cotton, smelting iron, making pottery and glass ornaments and were also engaged in agriculture. Lowland rice was cultivated in diked fields, and in the interior mountain regions as in the Cordillera, in terraced fields which utilized spring water. (11) Filipinos had also learned to build boats for the coastal trade. By the tenth century A. D. , this had become a highly developed technology. In fact, the early Spanish chroniclers took note of the refined plank-built warship called caracoa. These boats were well suited for inter-island trade raids. The Spaniards later utilized Filipino expertise in boat-building and seamanship to fight the raiding Dutch, Portuguese, Muslims and the Chinese pirate Limahong as well as to build and man the galleons that sailed to Mexico. (12) By the tenth century A. D. , the inhabitants of Butuan were trading with Champa (Vietnam); those of Ma-i (Mindoro) with China. Chinese records with have now been translated contain a lot of references to the Philippines. These indicate that regular trade relations between the two countries had been well established during the tenth to the fifteenth centuries. Archaeological findings (in various parts of the archipelago) of Chinese porcelains made during this period support this contention. From the Sung (960-1278) and Yuan (1260-1368) Dynasties, there are descriptions of trade with the Philippines, and from the Sung and Ming (1360-1644) Dynasties there are notices of Filipino missions to Peking. (13) ____________________ (10) Ibid. , pp. 18-19. (11) Ibid. , pp. 136-137; Fox. op. cit. , pp. 49-50. (12) Antonio de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, first published in 1609, trans. nd ed. by J. S. Cummins (Cambridge: Published for the Hakluyt Society at Cambridge University Press, 1971), pp. 252-253; Francisco Colin, Labor Evangelica (1663) in Horacio de la Costa, S. J. , Readings in Philippine History (Manila: Bookmark, 1965), p. 9; William Henry Scott, â€Å"Boat-Building and Seamanship in Classic Philippine Society,† in Cracks in the Parchment Curtain and Other Essays in Philippine History (Quezon City: New Day Publishers, 1982) , pp. 60-96. (13) See Scott, Prehispanic Source Materials†¦ , chap. ; Berthold Laufer, â€Å"The Relations of the Chinese to the Philippines,† in Readings in Philippine Prehistory, pp. 142-177; Austin Craig, â€Å"A Thousand Years of Philippine History Before the Coming of the Spaniards,† in ibid. , pp. 128-141. The most frequently cited Chinese account in Philippine history textbooks is that of Chao Ju-Kua in 1225. He described the communities and trading activities in the islands of Ma-i (Mindoro) and San-hsu (literally three islands which present-day historians think refer to the group of Palawan and Calamian Islands). 14) The people of Ma-i and San-hsu traded beeswax, cotton, true pearls, tortoise shell, medicinal betelnuts, yu-ta cloth (probably jute or ramie? ) and coconut heart mats for Chinese porcelain, iron pots, lead fishnet sinkers, colored glass beads, iron needles and tin. These were practically the same commodities of trade between the islands and C hina which the first Spanish colonial officials recorded when they came to the Philippines more than two centuries later. (15) The Filipinos in Mindanao and Sulu traded with Borneo, Malacca and parts of the Malay peninsula. This trade seems to have antedated those with the Chinese. By the time the Spaniards reached the archipelago, these trade relations had been firmly established such that the alliance between the rulers of manila and Brunei had become strengthened by marriage. It was through these contacts that Hindu-Buddhist, Malay-Sanskrit and Arab-Muslim Cultural and technological influences spread to the Philippines. There have also been some references (by early travelers during the precolonial period) to trade relations between Japan and the Philippines. To date however, Philippine historians have not found any prehispanic references to the Philippines in Japanese literature of the period. (16) __________________ (14) Chao Ju-Kua was a Superintendent of maritime Trade in Ch’uanchow, Fukien province, when he wrote his Chu Fan Chih (An Account of the Various Barbarians) in 1225. Scott, in Prehispanic Source Materials†¦ pp. 66-70 has a translation of this account. See also â€Å"Chao Ju-Kua’s description of the Philippines in the Thirteenth Century,† in Readings in Philippine Prehistory, pp. 94-196; de la Costa, op. cit. , pp. 9-11. (15) See Antonio Pigafetta, First Voyage Around the World and Maximilianus Transylvanus, De Maluccis Insulis (Manila: Filipiniana Book Guild, 1969), passim; excerpts of accounts by Garcia Escalante de Alvarado in 1548 and Rodrigo de Espinosa in 1564, in de la Costa, op. cit. , pp. 12-13; â€Å"Relation of the Voyage to Luzon,† (1570) in The Colonization and Conquest of the Ph ilippines by Spain, Some contemporary Source Documents, 1559-1577 (Manila: Filipiniana Book Guild, 1965), pp. 160-178. 16) Antonio M. Regidor y Jurado and J. Warren T. Mason (in Commercial Progress in the Philippine Islands, published in London, 1905, and reprinted in Manila by the American Chamber of Commerce of the Philippine Islands, 1925, pp. 8-11), claim that the Japanese not only traded and lived in different parts of the Philippines before the Spaniards arrived, they also taught the Filipinos the art of working in metals, weaving, gold-mining, furniture making, duck-raising and fish-breeding for export. Scott (in Prehispanic Source Materials†¦ pp. 78-79) doubts the authenticity of these reports as research on Japanese literature during this period has yielded no references to prehispanic Philippines. By the time the Spaniards came to colonies the Philippines in 1565, they found many scattered, autonomous village communities (called barangays) all over the archipelago. Th ese were kinship groups or social units rather than political units. They were essentially subsistence economies producing mainly what they needed. These communities exhibited uneven technological development. Settlements along the coastal areas which had been exposed to foreign trade and cultural contacts such as Manila, Mindoro, Cebu, Southern Mindanao and Sulu, seem to have attained a more sophisticated technology. In 1570, for example, the Spaniards found the town of Mindoro â€Å"fortified by a stone wall over fourteen feet thick,† and defended by armed Moros — â€Å"bowmen, lancers, and some gunners, linstocks in hand. † There were a â€Å"large number of culverins† all along the hillside of the town. They found Manila similarly defended by a palisade along its front with pieces of artillery at its gate. The house of Raja Soliman (which was burned down by Spaniards) reportedly contained valuable articles of trade — â€Å"money, copper, iron, porcelain, blankets, wax, cotton and wooden vats full of brandy. † Next to his house was a storehouse which contained: much iron and copper; as well as culverins and cannons which had melted. Some small and large cannon had just begun. There were the clay and wax moulds, the largest of which was for a cannon seventeen feet long, resembling a culverin†¦ (17) These reports indicate that the Filipinos in Manila had learned to make and use modern artillery. The Spanish colonizers noted that all over the islands, Filipinos were growing rice, vegetables and cotton; raising swine, goats and fowls; making wine, vinegar and salt; weaving cloth and producing beeswax and honey. The Filipinos were also mining gold in such places as Panay, Mindoro and Bicol. They wore colorful clothes, made their own gold jewelry and even filled their teeth with gold. Their houses were made of wood or bamboo and nipa. They had their own system of writing,(18) and weights and measures. Some communities had become renowned for their plank-built boats. They had no calendar but counted the years by moons and from one harvest to another. In the interior and mountain settlements, many Filipinos were still living as hunters. They gathered forest products to trade with the lowland and coastal settlements. But they also made ______________________ (17) â€Å"Relation of the Voyage to Luzon,† (1570), op. cit. , pp. 163, 176-177. (18) Scott, Prehispanic Source Materials. pp. 52-62. _ â€Å"iron lance-points, daggers and certain small tools used in transplanting. â€Å"(19) On the whole, the pre-colonial Filipinos were still highly superstitious. The Spaniards found no temples or places of worship. Although the Filipinos knew how to read and write in their own system, this was mainly used for messages and letters. They seem not to have developed a written literary tradition at that time. (20) This would have led to a more systematic accumulation and dissemination of knowledge, a condition that is necessary for the development of science and technology. Because of the abundance of natural resources, a benign environment and generally sparse population, there seemed to have been little pressure for invention and innovation among the early Filipinos. As governor Francisco de Sande observed in 1575, the Filipinos do not understand any kind of work, unless it be to do something actually necessary — such as to build their houses, which are made of stakes after their fashion; to fish, according to their method; to row, and perform the duties of sailors; and to cultivate the land†¦ (21) Developments in Science and Technology During the Spanish Regime The beginnings of modern science and technology in the Philippines can be traced to the Spanish regime. The Spaniards established schools, hospitals and started scientific research and these had important consequences for the rise of the country’s professions. But the direction and pace of development of science and technology were greatly shaped by the role of the religious orders in the conquest and colonization of the archipelago and by economic and trade adopted by the colonial government. _________________ (19) â€Å"Relation of Conquest of the Island of Luzon,† (1572) and â€Å"Relation of the Filipino Islands, by Francisco de Sande. (1575), in The Colonization and Conquest of the Philippines by Spain. op. cit. , pp. 190-210; 292-33; â€Å"Relation of the Philippine Islands by Miguel de Loarca,† (1575) and â€Å"Customs of the Tagalogs by Juan de Plascencia,† in Readings in Philippine Prehistory, pp. 197-220; 221-234. (20) The Code of Kalantiao and Maragtas Code which have been taught by historians as precious prehispanic documents were recently shown to have been fabricated much later. See Scott, Prehispanic Source Materials, Chaps. 4-5. (21) â€Å"Relation of the Filipino Islands, by Francisco de Sande,† (1575), op. it. , p. 313. The interaction of these forces and the resulting socio-economic and political changes must, therefore, be analyzed in presenting a history of science and technology in the Philippines. Spanish conquest and the colonization of the archipelago was greatly facilitated by the adoption of an essentially religious strategy which had earlier been successfully used in Latin America. Known as reduccion, it required the consolidation of the far-flung, scattered barangay communities into fewer, larger and more compact settlements within the hearing distance of the church bells. This was a necessary response to the initial shortage of Spanish missionaries in the Philippines. This policy was carried out by a combination of religious conversion and military force. The net result of reduccion was the creation of towns and the foundation of the present system of local government. The precolonial ruling class, the datus and their hereditary successors, were adopted by the Spanish colonial government into this new system to serve as the heads of the lowest level of local government; i. e. as cabezas de barangay. The colonial authorities found the new set-up expeditious for establishing centralized political control over the archipelago — for the imposition and collection of the tribute tax, enforcement of compulsory labor services among the native Filipinos, and implementation of the compulsory sale of local products to the government. The Filipinos naturally resisted reduccion as it took them away from their rice fields, the streams and the forests which were their traditional sources of livelihood and also subjected them to the onerous economic exactions by the colonial government. Thus the first century of Spanish rule brought about serious socio-economic dislocation and a decline kin agricultural production and traditional crafts in many places. In the region surrounding the walled city of Manila, Filipinos migrated from their barangays to the city in order to serve in the convents and thus avoid the compulsory labor services in the shipyards and forests. (22) Over the centuries, this population movement would greatly contribute to the congestion of Manila and its suburbs. The religious orders likewise played a major role in the establishment of the colonial educational system in the Philippines. They also influenced the development of technology and promotion of scientific research. hence, these roles must next be examined. —————— (22) On the consequences of reduccion, tributes and forced labor services, see John Leddy Phelan, The Hispanization of the Philippines, Spanish Aims and Filipino Responses, 1565-1700 (Madison: The Univesity of Wisconsin, 1959), chaps. IV, VII-IX; Nicholas P. Cushner, S. J. , Spain in the Philippines; from Conquest to Revolution (Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University, Institute of Philippine Culture, 1971), chaps. 4-5; de la Costa, op. cit. , pp. 35-37. Various decrees were issued in Spain calling for the establishment of a school system in the colony but these were not effectively carried out. (23) Primary instruction during the Spanish regime was generally taken care of by the missionaries and parish priests in the villages and towns. Owing to the dearth of qualified teachers, textbooks and other instructional materials, primary instruction was mainly religious education. Higher education was provided by schools set up by the different religious orders in the urban centers, most of them in Manila. For example, the Jesuits founded in Cebu City the Colegio de San Ildefonso (1595) and in Manila, the Colegio de San Ignacio (1595), the Colegio de San Jose (1601) and the Ateneo de Manila (1859). The Dominicans had the Colegio de San Juan de Letran (1640) in Manila. 24) Access to these schools was, however, limited to the elite of the colonial society — the European-born and local Spaniards, the mestizos and a few native Filipinos. Courses leading to the B. A. degree, Bachiller en Artes, were given which by the nineteenth century included science subjects such as physics, chemistry, natural history and mathematics. (25) On the whole, however, higher education was pursued for the priesthood or for clerical position s in the colonial administration. It was only during the latter part of the nineteenth century that technical/vocational schools were established by the Spaniards. (26) ——————– (23) Henry Frederick Fox, â€Å"Primary Education in the Philippines, 1565-1862,† Philippine Studies, Vol. 13 (1965), pp. 207-231, Encarnacion Alzona, A History of Education in the Philippines, 1565-1930 (1st ed. ; Manila: University of the Philippines Press, 1932), pp. 20-23, 46-52; Eliodoro G. Robles, The Philippines in the Nineteenth Century (Quezon City: Malaya Books Inc. 1969), pp. 219-229; J. Mallat, â€Å"Educational Institutions and Conditions,† (1846), in Emma H. Blair and James Alexander Robertson, The Philippine Islands 1493-1898 (Cleveland, Ohio: The Arthur H. Clark Co. , 1906), Vol. XLV, pp. 263-278. (24) The Colegio de San Ildefonso grew to become the present University of San Carlos in Cebu City. It was taken over by the Society of the Divine Word in 1933 and continu es to be administered by this Order. The Colegio de San Ignacio prospered and was elevated to the rank of a royal and pontifical university in 1621. It was closed when the Jesuits were expelled from the Philippines on 17 May 1768 by a royal decree of Charles III. The Colegio de San Jose was seized by the Crown upon the expulsion of the jesuits and later became the medical and pharmacy departments of the University of Santo Tomas. The Ateneo de manila is now a University run by the Jesuits. Alzona, op. cit. , pp. 24-29; Blair and Robertson, op. cit. , Vol. XLV, pp. 101-140. (25) The B. A. then was more equivalent to the present high school diploma. 26) The first school of arts and trades was founded in the province of Pampanga and a school of agriculture was opened in Manila in 1889. See Alzon, op. cit. , pp. 43-46; 156-164. Throughout the Spanish regime, the royal and pontifical University of Santo Tomas remained as the highest institution of learning. (27) Run by the Dominicans, it was established as a college in 1611 by Fray Miguel de Benavides. it initially granted degrees in theology, philosophy and humanities. (28) During th e eighteenth century, the faculty of jurisprudence and canonical law was established. In 1871, the schools of medicine and pharmacy were opened. From 1871 to 1886, the University of Snato Tomas granted the degree of Licenciado en Medicina to 62 graduates. (29) For the doctorate degree in medicine, at least an additonal year of study was required at the Universidad Central de Madrid in Spain. The study of pharmacy consisted of a preparatory course with subjects in natural history and general chemistry and five years of studies in subjects such as pharmaceutical operations at the school of pharmacy. At the end of this period of the degree of Bachiller en Farmacia was granted. The degree of licentiate in pharmacy, which was equivalent to a master’s degree, was granted after two years of practice in a pharmacy, one lof which could be taken simultaneously with the academic courses after the second year course of study. In 1876, the university granted the bachelor’s degree in pharmacy to its first six graduates in the school of pharmacy. Among them was Leon Ma. Guerrero, who is usually referred to as the â€Å"Father of Philippine Pharmacy† becuase of his extensive work on the medicinal plants of the Philippines and their uses. 30) The total number of graduates in pharmacy during the Spanish period was 164. (31). ——————– (27) There was a Royal University of San Felipe established in Manila by a royal decree of 1707. It remained open until 1726 when its work was taken over by the Jesuit University of San Ignacio which was closed in 1768. See ibid. , p. 31. (28) The following brief history of the University of Sto. Tomas is based on an account written by Fray E. Arias, reproduced in United States Bureau of the Census, Census of the Philippine Islands, 1903, Vol. III (Washington, D. C. : Government Printing Office, 1905), pp. 621-631; Blair and Robertson, op. cit. , Vol. XLV, pp. 141-169. (29) Arias, op. cit. , p. 631. (30) His works included Medicinal Plants of the Philippine Islands, published in 1903 and Medicinal Uses of Philippine Plants, published in 1921. See Miguel Ma. Valera, S. J. et al. , Scientists in the Philippines (Bicutan, Taguig, Rizal: National Science Development Board, 1974), pp. 95-114. (31) Milagros G. Nino, â€Å"Pharmaceutical Education in the Philippines,† UNITAS, Vol. 3 (JUNE 1970), p. 73. There were no schools offering engineering at that time. The few who studied engineering had to go to Europe. There was a Nautical School created on 1 January 1820 which offered a four-year course of study (for the profession of pilot of merchant marine) that included subjects as arithmetic, algebra, geometry, trigonometry, physics, hydrography, meteorology, navigation and pilotage. (32) A School of Commercial Accounting and a School of French and English Languages were established in 1839. (33) In 1887, the Manila School of Agriculture was created by royal decree but it was able to open only in July 1889. The School was designed to provide theoretical and practical education of skilled farmers and overseers and to promote agricultural development in the Philippines by means of observation, experiment and investigation. Agricultural stations were also established in Isabela, Ilocos, Albay, Cebu, Iloilo, Leyte and parts of Mindanao. The professors in the School were agricultural engineers. The School was financed by the government but it appears that its direction was also left to the priests. The certificates of completion of the course were awarded by the university of Santo Tomas or the Ateneo Municipal. It seems that the School was not successful as Filipinos did not show much inclination for industrial pursuits. (34) In 1863, the colonial authorities issued a royal decree designed to reform the existing educational system in the country. It provided for the establishment of a system of elementary, secondary and collegiate schools, teacher-training schools, and called for government supervision of these schools. The full implementation of this decree, however, was interrupted by the coming of the Americans in 1898. Higher education during the Spanish regime was generally viewed with suspicion and feared by the colonial authorities as encouraging conspiracy and rebellion among the native Filipinos. For this reason, only the more daring and persevering students were able to undertake advantaged studies. The attitude of the Spanish friars towards the study of the sciences and medicine was even more discouraging. As one Rector of he Univesity of Santo Tomas in the 1960s said: â€Å"Medicine and the natural sciences are ——————- (32) Blair and Robertson, op. cit. , Vol. XLV, pp. 241-243. (33) Census of the Philippine Islands, 1903, op. cit. , pp. 613-615. (34) â€Å"School of Agriculture,† in Blair and Robertson, op. cit. , Vol. XLV, pp. 315-318. The required course of study included subjects such as mathematics, physics, chemistry, natural history , agriculture, topography, linear and topography drawing, etc. as well as practical work. materialistic and impious studies. (35) It was not surprising, therefore, that few Filipinos ventured to study these disciplines. Those who did were poorly trained when compared with those who had gone to European universities. Science courses at the University of Santo Tomas were taught by the lecture/recitation method. Laboratory equipment was limited and only displayed for visitors to see. There was little or no training in scientific research. (36) Sir John Bowring, the British Governor of Hongkong who made an official visit to the Philippines in the 1850s wrote: Public instruction is in an unsatisfactory state in the Philippines–the provisions are little changed from those of the monkish ages. In the University of Santo Tomas†¦ no attention is given to the natural sciences†¦ nor have any of the educational reforms which have penetrated most of the colleges of Europe and America found their way to the Philippines. (37) In spite of the small number of Filipino graduates from the UST in medicine and the sciences they still faced the problem of unemployment. This was because the colonial government preferred to appoint Spanish and other European-trained professionals to ——————— (35) Quoted in James A. Le Roy, Philippine Life in Town and Country (New York and London: G. P. Butnam’s Sons, 1905) p. 206. (36) This can be seen from a description of a physics class at the University of Santo Tomas by Jose Rizal in a chapter of his second novel, El Filibusterismo (The Subversive) written in Europe in 1891. At the start of the American regime, a German physician of Manila submitted a report to the authorities on the conditions at UST’s medical college. The report mentions, among others, its lack of library facilities, the use of outdated textbooks (some published in 1845), that no female cadaver had ever been dissected and the anatomy course was a â€Å"farce†, that most graduates â€Å"never had attended even one case of confinement or seen a case of laparotomy† and that bacteriology had been introduced only since the American occupation and â€Å"was still taught without microscopes! † See Le Roy, op. cit. , pp. 205-206. (37) Sir John Bowring, A Visit to the Philippine Islands (London: Smith Elder Co. 1858), p. 194. See also Robert MacMicking, Recollections of Manila and the Philippines during 1848, 1849, and 1850, ed. and annotated by Morton J. Netzorg (Manila: Filipiniana Book Guild, 1967, reprint of 1851 book published in London by Richard Bentley), pp. 31-32. available positions in the archipelago. (38) Many of these graduates later joined the revolutionary movement against Spain. With the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 and the consequent ease in travel and communications that it brought about, the liberal ideas nd scientific knowledge of the West also reached the Philippines. The prosperity that resulted from increased commerce between the Philippines and the rest of the world enabled Filipino students to go to Europe for professional advanced studies. These included Jose Rizal who was able to pursue studies in Medicine and specialize in ophthalmology in Spain and Germany; Graciano Apacible who studied medicine in Madrid; Antonio Luna who obtained his Ph. D. in pharmacy in Madrid and later worked with renowned scientists in Ghent and Paris; (39) Jose Alejandrino who took up engineering in Belgium, and others. It was this group of students which set up the Propaganda Movement in Europe that eventually led to the Philippine revolution against Spain. The religious orders provided most of the teaching force and institutions of learning in the colony. This was similar to the situation that had earlier prevailed in Europe (where they had come from) during the medieval ages. Inevitably, members of the religious orders also took the lead in technological innovation and scientific research. This involvement invariably arose from their need to provide for basic necessities as they went around the archipelago to perform their missionary work of propagating the Catholic faith and to finance the colleges, hospitals and orphanages that they had established. The Spaniards introduced the technology of town planning and building with stones, brick and tiles. In may places, the religious (such as Bishop Salazar in Manila) personally led in ——————– (38) Alzona, op. cit. , pp. 43-144, cited a memorial sent to the Madrid exposition in 1887 by officials of the University of Santo Tomas criticizing this government policy and urging its change â€Å"in order to prevent political disturbances which might be caused by the large number of dissatisfied professional men who could not find work. † See also Census of the Philippine Islands 1903, op. cit. , pp. 632-633. Apolinario Mabini wrote: â€Å"All the departments and provincial g overnments were staffed with peninsular Spaniards personnel unfamiliar with the country and relieved every time there was a cabinet change (in Madrid). Very few Filipinos secured employment as army officers, as officials in the civil administration, or as judges and prosecuting attorneys.. ,† See his The Philippine Revolution translated into English by Leon Ma. Guerrero (Manila: Department of Education. National Historical Commission, 1969), p. 27. (39) Vivencio R. Jose, The Rise and Fall of Antonio Luna. Special Issue of Philippine Social Sciences and Humanities Review. Vol. XXXVI, Nos. 1-4 (March-December 1971), pp. 43-48. these undertakings. 40) Because of the lack of skilled Filipinos in these occupations, the Spaniards had to import Chinese master builders, artisans and masons. The native Filipinos were drafted, through the institution of compulsory labor services, to work on these projects. In this manner, the construction of the walls of Manila, its churches, convents, hospitals, schools and public buildings were completed by the seventeenth century. (41) Towards the end of the sixteenth century, the religious orders ha d established several charity hospitals in the archipelago and in fact provided the bulk of this public service. These hospitals became the setting for rudimentary scientific work during the Spanish regime long before the establishment of the University of Santo Tomas (UST) college of medicine. Research in these institutions were confined to pharmacy and medicine and concentrated on the problems of infections diseases, their causes and possible remedies. (42) Several Spanish missionaries observed, catalogued and wrote about Philippine plants, particularly those with medicinal properties. The most notable of these was Father Fernando de Sta. Maria’s Manual de Medicinas Caseras published in 1763 which was so in demand that it had undergone several editions by 1885. (43) By the second half of the nineteenth century, studies of infectious diseases such as smallpox,(44) cholera, bubonic ——————– (40) de la Costa, op. cit. , pp. 28, 31-33. (41) For a description of Manila during this period, see Giovanni Francesco Gemlli Careri, A Voyage to the Philippines (originally published in London, 1744-46; reprinted in Manila: Filipiniana Book Guild, 1963), Chap. . (42) Euologio B. Rodriguez, â€Å"Brief observations on Science in the Philippines in the Pre-American Era,† National Research Council of the Philippines Islands (NRCP), Annual Report, 1934-35, bulletin No. 43 (Manila: February 1935), pp. 84-128; J. P. Bantug, â€Å"The Beginnings of Medicine in the Philippines,† NRCP, op. cit. , Bulletin No. 4, pp. 227-246; Vicente Ferriols, â€Å"Early History of Veteri nary Science in the Philippine Islands,† NRCP, ibid. , pp. 334-337; M. V. del Rosario, â€Å"Chemistry in the Pre-American Regime,† NRCP, op. cit. bulletin No. 5, pp. 359-362. (43) Eduardo Quisumbing, â€Å"Development of Science in the Philippines,† Journal of East Asiatic Studies, Vol. VI, No. 2 (April 1957), p. 132. (44) As early as 1803, an edict was passed to control smallpox by introducing vaccination. In 1806, a Board of Vaccination was set up to take charge of the propagation and preservation of the virus against smallpox. See Hilario Lara, â€Å"Development of Hygiene and Preventive Medicine (Public Health) in the Philippines,† NRCP, op. cit. , Bulletin No. 4, pp. 265-266. lague, dysentery, leprosy and malaria were intensified with the participation of graduates of medicine and pharmacy from UST. (45) At this time, native Filipinos began to participate in scientific research. In 1887, the Laboratorio Municipal de Ciudad de Manila was created by de cree. Its main functions were to conduct biochemical analyses for public health and to undertake specimen examinations for clinical and medico-legal cases. It had a publication called Cronica de Ciencias Medicas de Filipinas showing scientific studies being done during that time. 46) There was very little development in Philippine agriculture and industry during the first two centuries of Spanish rule. This was largely due to the dependence of the Spanish colonizers on the profits from the Galleon or Manila-Acapulco trade, which lasted from 1565 to 1813. It was actually based on the trade with China which antedated Spanish rule. (47) The galleons brought to Latin America Chinese goods — silk and other cloths, porcelain and the like — and brought back to Manila Mexican silver. When the Spanish and Portuguese thrones were united from 1581 to 1640, goods brought to Manila by ships from Japan and Portuguese ships from Siam, India, Malacca, Borneo and Cambodia were also carried by the galleons to Mexico. (48) During the this time, Manila prospered as the entrepot of the Orient. The Filipinos hardly benefited from the Galleon trade. Direct participation in the trade was limited to Spanish inhabitants of Manila who were given shares of lading space in the galleons. Many of them simply speculated on these trading rights and lived off on their profits. It was the Chinese who profited most from the trade. They acted as the trade’s packers, middlemen, retailers and also provided services and other skills ——————— (45) Specimens were usually submitted to pharmacists for examination. Thus drugstores, notably the Botica Boie and Botica de Santa Cruz in Manila, served as research laboratories as well as manufacturers of drugs and household remedies. See Patrocinio Valenzuela, â€Å"Pharmaceutical Research in the Philippines,† in NRCP, op. cit. , Bulletin No. 5, pp. 404-406. (46) Anacleto del Rosario, one of the first graduates of pharmacy at UST, was appointed as the first director of the Laboratorio. He pioneered in bacteriological research, particularly in the search for causes of cholera, tuberculosis and leprosy and investigated the origin of beriberi which was one of the leading causes of death during that time. See Varela, et al. , op. cit. , pp. 173-189. 47) Fedor Jagor, Travels in the Philippines (Reprint of 1875 English ed. , (Manila: Filipiniana Book Guild, 1965), chap. 2; William, Lytle Schurz, The Manila Galleon (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1959); Cushner, Spain in the Philippines, chap. 6. (48) Morga, op. cit. , pp. 287; 304-309. which the Spanish community in Intramuros needed. (49) Spanish preoccupation with the Manila Galleon eventually led to the neglect of agriculture and mining and the decline of native han dicrafts and industries in the Philippines. The deleterious effects of the trade on the archipelago’s domestic economy had been pointed out by some Spanish officials as early as 1592. (50) But this seems to have been largely ignored by colonial policy-makers. Only the local shipbuilding industry continued to prosper because of necessity — to build the galleons and other ships required for internal commerce and the defense of the archipelago. This had become quite well developed according to a French visitor in the nineteenth century. He observed: In many provinces shipbuilding is entirely in the hands of the natives. The excellence of their work is proof that they are perfectly capable of undertaking the study of abstruse sciences and that mathematical equations are by no means beyond their comprehension†¦. (51) Agricultural development was left to the resident Chinese and the Spanish friars. The latter saw in the cultivation of their large estates around Manila a steady source of financial support for their churches, colleges, hospitals and orphanages in Intramuros. The friar estates profited from the expanding domestic food market as a result of the population growth of Manila and its suburbs. (52) But the friars contribution in the development of existing agricultural technology was more of quantitative than qualitative in nature. (53) The profitability of their estates was largely derived from the intensive exploitation of native technology and their free compulsory personal services. ——————– (49) Ibid. , pp. 314-316; de la Costa, op. cit. , pp. 39-41. (50) de la Costa, op. cit. , pp. 9-40; Morga, op. cit. , p. 310. (51) Jean Baptiste Mallat de Bassilan, Les Philippines (Paris: Arthus Bertrand, 1846), in de la Costa, op. cit. , pp. 154-155. Mcmicking, op. cit. , pp. 264-266, has similar positive observations on shipbuilding during that time. (52) See Nicholas P. Cushner, The Landed Estates in the Colonial Philippines (Monograph Series No. 20; New Haven Conn: Yale University Southeast Asia Studi es, 1976). (53) Paul P. de la Gironiere, Twenty Years in the Philippine Islands (New York: Harper Bros. Publishers, 1854), pp. 306-307, has sketches showing the simple agricultural tools and implements still used during the mid-nineteenth century. Successive shipwrecks of and piratical attacks on the galleons to Mexico led to declining profits from the trade and triggered an economic depression in Manila during the latter part of the seventeenth century. (54) This situation was aggravated by increasing restrictions on the goods carried by the Manila Galleon as a consequence of opposition coming from Andalusion merchants and mercantilists in Spain. At the beginning of the eighteenth century, the Bourbon dynasty ascended to the Spanish throne and brought with it political and economic ideas of the French Enlightenment. This paved the way for more government attention to the economic development of the Philippines. Enterprising Spaniards began to exploit the mineral wealth of the islands, develop its agriculture, and establish industries. These efforts were further encouraged by the need to promote economic recovery after the British Occupation of Manila in 1762-1764. (55) Research in agriculture and industry was encouraged by the founding of the Real Sociedad Economica de los Amigos del Pais de Filipinas (Royal Economic Society of Friends of the Philippines) by Governador Jose Basco y Vargas under authority of a royal decree of 1780. Composed of private individuals and government officials, the Society functioned somewhat like the European learned societies during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and a modern National Research Council, (56) It undertook the promotion of the cultivation of indigo, cotton, cinnamon, and pepper and the development of the silk industry. During the nineteenth century, it was endowed with funds which it used to provide prizes for successful experiments and inventions for the improvement of agriculture and industry: to finance the publication of scientific and technical literature, trips of scientists from Spain to the Philippines, professorships; and to ——————– (54) de la Costa, op. cit. , pp. 106-107. (55) For accounts of those attmepts to promote mining and industrial development, see ibid. , pp. 107-114; Cushner, Spain in the Philippines, pp. 186-194. 56) The Society’s early organization included sections of natural history, agriculture, and rural economy, factories and manufactures, industries and popular education. See Benito Legarda, Jr. , â€Å"Foreign Trade, Economic Change and Entrepreneurship in the Nineteenth Century Philippines† (Ph. D. dissertation submitted to the Department of Economics, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. , 1955), pp. 117- 119, 321-326; Patrocinio Valenzuela, â€Å"A Historical Review of Movements to Establish a Research Council of the Philippines, in NRCP, op. cit. , Bulletin No. , pp. 77-79; Blair and Robertson, op. cit, Vol. LII, pp. 289-324; Cushner, Spain in the Philippines, pp. 194-195. provide scholarships to Filipinos. (57) In 1789, Manila was opened to Asian shipping. This inaugurated an era of increasing Philippine exports of rice, hemp, sugar, tobacco, indigo and others and rising imports of manufactured goods. (58) In 1814, Manila was officially opened to world trade and commerce; subsequently other Philippine ports were opened. Foreign capital was allowed to operate on an equal footing with Spanish merchants in 1829. By this means agricultural production particularly of sugar and hemp, was accelerated and modernized. Local industries flourished in Manila and its suburbs — weaving, embroidery, hatmaking, carriage manufacture, rope-making, cigar and cigarettes-making. (59) Much of the finished products of these industries were exported. Yet although Philippine exports kept rising during the nineteenth century, imports of manufactured goods also rose and foreign, particularly English capital dominated external trade and commerce. 60) This partly because of short-sighted Spanish colonial trade policies and the relative inexperience and lack of capital of Spanish colonial trade policies and the relative inexperience and lack of capital of Spanish and Filipino merchants. The prosperity arising from expanded world trade and commerce in the nineteenth century led to Manila’s rapid development as a cosmopolitan center. Modern amenities — a waterworks system, steam tramways, electric l ights, newspapers, a banking system — were introduced into the city by the latter half of the nineteenth century. 61) Undoubtedly, commercial needs led to the Spanish governments establishment of a Nautical School, vocational schools and a School of Agriculture during the nineteenth century. Various offices and commissions were also created by the Spanish ___________________ (57) Blair and Robertson, op. cit. , Vol. LI, pp. 38-39. (58) de la Costa, op. cit. , pp. 138-142; Cushner, Spain in the Philippines, pp. 195-197. (59) de la Costa, op. cit. , pp. 143-160; Cushner, Spain in the Philippines, op. cit. , pp. 197-209; Mcmicking, op. cit. , chaps. XXVI-XXVII; Bowring, op. cit. chap. I. (60) Carlos Recur, Filipinas; Estudios Administrativos y Commerciales (Madrid: Imprenta de Ramon Moreno y Ricardo Rojas, 1879), pp. 93-122. Recur observed (p. 110) that from the commercial point of view, the Philippines was an Anglo-Chinese colony flying the Spanish flag (â€Å"†¦ bajo el punto de vista comercial Filipinas es una colonia anglo-china con bandera espanola†¦ â€Å"). (61) John Foreman, The Philippine Islands (London: Sampson Low, Marston, Searle and Rivington, Ld. , 1890), chap. ; Mcmicking, op. cit. , chap. XXV. government by the Spanish government to undertake studies and regulations of mines, research on Philippine flora, agronomic research and teaching, geological research and chemical analysis of mienral waters throughout the country. (62) However, little is known about the accomplishments of these scientific bodies. Meteorological studies were promoted by Jesuits who founded the Manila Observatory in 1865. The Obs ervatory collected and made available typhoon and climatological observations. These observations grew in number and importance so that by 1879, it became possible for Fr. Federico Faura to issue the first public typhoon warning. The service was so highly appreciated by the business and scientific communities that in April 1884, a royal decree made the Observatory an official institution run by the Jesuits, and also established a network of meteorological stations under it. (63) In 1901, the Observatory was made a central station of the Philippine Weather Bureau which was set up by the American colonial authorities. It remained under the Jesuit scientists and provided not only meteorological but also seismological and astronomical studies. The benefits of economic development during the nineteenth century were unevenly distributed in the archipelago. While Manila prospered and rapidly modernized, much of the countryside remained underdeveloped and poor. The expansion of agricultural production for export exacerbated existing socio-economic inequality, that had been cumulative consequence of the introduction of land as private property at the beginning of Spanish rule. There was increasing concentration of wealth among the large landowners — the Spaniards, especially the religious orders, the Spanish and Chinese mestizos, the native Principalia — and poverty and landlessness among the masses. This inequality, coupled with abuses and injustices committed by the Spanish friars and officials gave rise to Philippine nationalism and eventually the Revolution of 1896. ——————– 62) There were the Inspeccion General de Minas created by Royal Decree in 1837; Commission de Flora de Filipinas, 1876; Comision Agronomica de Filipinas, 1881; Comision Especial de Estudios Geologicos y Geograficos de Filipinas, 1885; and Comision de Estudios de las Aguas Minero Medicinales, 1884. See Leoncio Lopez Rizal, â€Å"Scientific and Technical Organizations in the Philippine Islands,† in NRCP. op. cit. , Bulletin No. 3, pp. 155-159. (63) The meteorological studies done at the Observatory, notably by Jose Algue Sanllei, became world renowned. Some were subjects of discussion at International Meteorological Congresses and were published in the Journal of the Royal Meteorological Society in London. See John N. Schumacher, â€Å"One Hundred Years of Jesuit Scientists: The manila Observatory 1865-1965,† Philippine Studies, Vol. 13 (1965), pp. 258-286; Valera, op. cit. , pp. 1-22. At the end of the Spanish regime, the Philippines had evolved into a primary agricultural exporting economy. Progress in agriculture had been made possible by some government support for research and education in this field. But it was largely the entry of foreign capital and technology which brought about the modernization of some sectors, notably sugar and hemp production. The lack of interest in and support for research and development of native industries like weaving, for example, eventually led to their failure to survive the competition with foreign imports. Because of necessity and the social prestige attached to university education, medicine and pharmacy remained the most developed science-based professions during the Spanish regime. Science and Technology During the First Republic There was very little development in science and technology during the short-lived Philippine Republic (1898-1900). The government took steps to establish a secular educational system by a decree of 19 October 1898, it created the Universidad Literaria de Filipinas as a secular, state-supported institution of higher learning. It offered courses in law, medicine, surgery, pharmacy and notary public. During its short life, the University was able to hold graduation exercises in Tarlac on 29 September 1899 when degrees in medicine and law were awarded. (64) Developments in Science and Technology During the American Regime Science and technology in the Philippines advanced rapidly during the American regime. This was made possible by the simultaneous government encouragement and support for an extensive public education system; the granting of scholarships for higher education in science and engineering; the organization of science research agencies and establishment of science-based public services. The Americans introduced a system of secularized public school education as soon as civil government was set up in the islands. On 21 January 1901, the Philippine Commision, which acted as the executive and legislative body for the Philippines until 1907, promulgated Act No. 74 creating a Department of Public Instruction in the Philippines. It provided for the establishment of schools that would give free primary education, with English as the medium of instruction. This was followed by the setting up of a Philippine Normal School to train Filipino teachers. Secondary schools were opened after a further enactment of the Philippine in ————– (64) Most of its faculty and students had actually come from the University of Santo Tomas. See Alzona, op. cit. , pp. 177-180; Teodoro A. Agoncillo, Malolos; The Crisis of the Republic (Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press, 1960), pp. 250-251. Commission in 1902. The Philippine Medical School was established in 1905 and was followed by other professional and technical schools. These were later absorbed into the University of the Philippines. The colonial authorities initially adopted a coordinated policy for the promotion of higher education in the sciences and government research institutions and agencies performing technical functions. The University of the Philippines was created on 18 June 1908 by Act of the Philippine Legislature. Among the first colleges to be opened were the College of Agriculture in Los Banos, Laguna in 1909, the Colleges of Liberal Arts, Engineering and Veterinary Medicine in 1910 and the College of Law in 1911. By 1911, the University had an enrollment of 1,400 students, (65) Four Years later, its enrollment had almost doubled (to 2,398) and the University included two new units, a School of Pharmacy and a Graduate School of Tropical Medicine and Public Health. 66) In 1916, the School of Forestry and Conservatory of Music were established; and in 1918, the College of Education was opened. Except in the College of Medicine, where there were already a number of Filipino physicians who were qualified to become its faculty members when it was opened in 1907, most of the early instructors and professor in the sciences and engineering at the University of the Philippines were Americans and other foreigners. Qualified Filipinos were sent abroad for advanced training and by this means foreign faculty were gradually replaced by Filipinos. For example, in 1920, Filipino Ph. D. graduates of U. S. universities took over the Department of Agriculture Chemistry in the College of Agriculture. By December 1926, the university’s enrollment in all colleges had reached 6,464 and out of a total teaching staff of 463, only 44 were Americans and other foreigners. (67) ——————— (65) Distributed among its various colleges and follows: College of Liberal Arts — 215, College of Medicine and Surgery – 56, College of Agriculture — 186, College of Veterinary Science — 14, College of Engineering — 11, College of Law — 154 and School of Fine Arts — 801. See Census Office of the Philippine Islands, Census of the Philippine Islands, 1918) Vol. IV, Part II: Schools Universities, Commerce and Transportation, Banks and Insurance (Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1921), p. 602. (66) See ibid, p. 608. (67) Findings of the Monroe Survey of Education in the Philippines cited in W. Cameron Forbes, The Philippine Islands Vol. I (Boston and New York: Hougton Mifflin Co. , 1929) p. 477. Before 1910, the American colonial government encouraged young men and women to get higher professional education as much as possible in American colleges. In 1903, the Philippine commission passed an Act to finance the sending of 135 boys and girls of high school age to the United States to be educated as teachers, engineers, physicians and lawyers. (68) One third of these were chosen by the governor-general on a nation-wide basis and the rest by the provincial authorities. In exchange for this privilege, the pensionados, as they came to be called, were to serve in the public service for five years after their return from their studies. Between 1903 and 1912, 209 men and women were educated under this program in American schools. 69) After the establishment of the University of the Philippines, scholarships for advanced studies of a scientific or technical nature in American Universities were given only in preparation for assignment to jobs in the public service. The Philippine Commission introduced science subjects and industrial and vocational education into the Philippine school system but they found that industrial and vocation cou rses were very unpopular with the Filipinos. When the Manila Trade School was opened in 1901, the school authorities found it difficult to get students to enroll in these courses. Because of their almost 400 years of colonial experience under the Spaniards, middle class Filipinos had developed a general disdain for manual work and a preference for the prestigious professions of the time, namely, the priesthood, law and medicine. Education in these professions came to be regarded as the means of making the best of the limited opportunities in the Spanish colonial bureaucracy and thus of rising from one’s social class. Hence, even at the newly-opened University of the Philippines, it was difficult to get students to —————– The University began in 1911 with a faculty of only 36 scholars with the rank of assistant professor or higher, of which only five (14 per cent) were Filipinos, mostly from the College of Medicine. The remaining members of the faculty were Americans or in one or two cases other foreign professionals. In 1925, of 150 faculty members with the rank of assistant professor or higher, 117 (78 per cent ) were Filipinos and 33 (22 per cent) were American or other foreign scholars. See Harry L. Case and Robert A. Bunnel, The University of the Philippines; External Assistance and Development (East Lansing, Michigan: Institute for International Studies in Education, Michigan State University, 1970), p. 10, Table 1. (68) Forbes, op. cit. , p. 457 (69) Charles Burke Elliott, The Philippines to the End of the Commission Government: A Study in Tropical Democracy (New York: Greenwood Press Publishers, 1968), p. 242. The author served as Secretary of Commerce and Police in the Philippines Commission from 1910-1912. o enroll in courses whic How to cite Science, Essay examples

Technology Transfer and Controlling Enterprise Resources

Questions: 1. What would be the most appropriate technologies you would recommend to the owners that manage multiple sites or integrate supply chains?2.How might this network coordinate their technology transfer to not only provide the most reliable information, but also provide proper control through the enterprise?3.How might your recommendations be supported through web technologies? In presenting your recommendations, how might you explain the importance of obtaining relevant data through the enterprise system to the owners of the food retailer? Answers: Introduction Understanding various types of supply chains across different industries is of great importance for ensuring the effective management of the various resources available within the enterprise. As supply chains get complex, the reliance on technology to control and manage the resources as well as integrating them efficiently also increases significantly. 1. Customers and their outlooks are changing dynamically. This change calls for appropriate changes in outlook and ideology by top management, coupled with the adoption of appropriate and relevant technologies (Ghilic-Micu, Mircea, Nisioiu, Silvestru, Stoica, 2010). In the age of the internet and cloud computing most of the technologies are dependent on the internet. This includes technology for management of multiple sites as well as integration of supply chains. The integration of supply chains would be easily managed using software related to inventory management. This would help in automation of several processes as well as ensure that information regarding deliveries and orders are easily tracked. This process would further aid in accurately forecasting demand for and supply of the commodity, thus ensuring suitable inventory levels (Kristianto, Ajmal, Addo Tenkorang, Hussain, 2012). This simple process would be a key component to ensure that fast moving commodities are availab le in suitable quantity and techniques like Just-In-Time management are utilized to the maximum while reducing the requirements for warehouse space. Using advanced inventory management techniques and ERP also ensures a significant decrease in manual errors as well as costs incurred as part of administration or inventory storage (Raki, 2014). Transparency in operations is a significant help in enhancing the customer experience through speedy and timely delivery of commodities. Automated systems in inventory management include the integration of accounting along with inventory, thus doing away with duplication of data and resulting redundancy (Sundtoft Hald Mouritsen, 2013). One such technology is the RFID (radio frequency identification) that is being increasingly used by many organizations to track products using sensors. The tracking process works throughout the supply chain across multiple sites and helps ensure that bottlenecks within the system are minimized. 2. As is commonly seen in all emerging technologies, there exists considerable confusion as well as misleading information with regards to RFID as well. RFID is being consistently used for all processes during the entire product lifecycle. While each process is distinct, the core values of the technology remain the same. In logistics, for instance, RFID used at automated toll collection points helps track the movement of goods across various locations. On the other hand, the same technology used in-house tracks the movement of raw materials being supplied to its use in various processes as well as the final products. Thus, RFID helps in controlling inventory levels, modulating purchases and ensuring availability of final product. The considerable improvement in efficiencies and the transparency in tracking the commodities helps minimize bottlenecks as well as improve the response of supply chains, thereby ensuring easy availability of reliable information as well as providing adequat e control of the resources of the enterprise (Sabbaghi Vaidyanathan, 2008). 3. Balancing inventory cost and profits are part of cost efficiency in inventory management. Inventory carrying cost is a major contributor to inventory cost and includes storage cost, taxes and insurance as well as cost of capital invested in inventory (Grant, 2011). The integration of RIFD with cloud computing has been instrumental in ensuring that web technologies are capable of supporting RIFD. In the case of food retailers, which tend to have a lower shelf life, the use of this technology, helps ensure that wastage from food items past their expiry date are easily overcome. The inventory carrying cost is also significantly reduced (Adebanjo Michaelides, 2010). Conclusion The reduction of bottlenecks in the various business processes in the organization is essential for ensuring cost efficiency and profits. The use of various technologies like ERP systems and RIFD are a positive step in the strategic management of the resources in the enterprise as they ensure that the various raw materials, their movement and the various processes they are involved in are all tracked and monitored. References Adebanjo, D. Michaelides, R. (2010). Analysis of Web 2.0 enabled e-clusters: A case study. Technovation, 30(4), 238-248. https://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.technovation.2009.09.001 Ghilic-Micu, B., Mircea, M., Nisioiu,, C., Silvestru, C., Stoica, M. (2010). Designing flexible e-business workflow systems. Journal Of Applied Computer Science Mathematics, (9), 72-77. Grant, K. (2011). ICIME 2011-Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference on Information Management and Evaluation (1st ed., pp. 300-310). Academic Conferences Limited. Kristianto, Y., Ajmal, M., Addo Tenkorang, R., Hussain, M. (2012). A study of technology adoption in manufacturing firms. Journal Of Manufacturing Technology Management, 23(2), 198-211. https://dx.doi.org/10.1108/17410381211202197 Raki, H. (2014). An application of RFID in supply chain management to reduce inventory estimation error. Uncertain Supply Chain Management, 2(2), 97-104. https://dx.doi.org/10.5267/j.uscm.2014.1.001 Sabbaghi, A. Vaidyanathan, G. (2008). Effectiveness and Efficiency of RFID technology in Supply Chain Management: Strategic vales and Challenges. Journal Of Theoretical And Applied Electronic Commerce Research, 3(2). https://dx.doi.org/10.4067/s0718-18762008000100007 Sundtoft Hald, K. Mouritsen, J. (2013). Enterprise resource planning, operations and management. International Journal Of Operations Production Management, 33(8), 1075-1104. https://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijopm-11-2011-0430

Teachers pay Essay Example For Students

Teachers pay Essay Teachers should be paid according to student performances. Teachers that I have encountered on a high school classroom level do not care about the kids and how much they are learning. They only care about the paycheck. Some of my Good teachers are not rewarded. Incompetent teachers are protected. Whats best for the kids is not even factored into the equation. Its all about seniority. Nowhere is that more obvious than when lay-offs occur. When a reduction in staff is required, do schools keep the best teachers? The answer may surprise you. Thanks to collective bargaining contracts the teachers union has forced down the throats of every school district in the state, schools automatically keep the teachers who have been there the longest; even if they are the least competent, and even if some of the brightest and best must be laid off to protect those with seniority. That really is how it works. We will write a custom essay on Teachers pay specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now No reward for a job well done. Just pay and job security based on seniority. Sure, teachers get an extra thousand bucks or so each year for extra college courses or degrees. But even that policy is a farce. Thanks once again to the teachers union, extra college classes dont have to be related to subjects the teacher actually teach. Math teachers can get paid extra for taking college courses in Modern Feminist Philosophy or Medieval Basket Weaving. Thats really how it works. Nothing in the current system is designed to improve the quality of the education our kids receive. The current system is designed merely to reward seniority. Teachers would be paid based on the increase in the appropriate knowledge of students under the teachers instruction. For teaching. And if lay-offs occur, school districts would keep the best teachers, not just those who have been there the longest. Its that simple. For once, there would be some accountability in public education. Some reward for a job well done. Our current system of paying teachers is designed to reward teachers for one thing: seniority. The longer theyve been there, the more they get paid. When you reward something, you tend to get more of it. If you dont reward something, you get less of it. Thats exactly whats happening in our schools. The teachers who have been there the longest get more money and more job security regardless of whether they are doing a good job. What we arent getting more of is student learning. Studies consistently show that how long a teacher has been teaching has no relationship to student learning. What that means is we are rewarding something that has nothing to do with the purpose of our schools! Its pretty obvious that the best way to get more student learning which is the purpose of our schools is to tie teachers pay to student learning. In other words, the more students learn, the more the teachers will be paid. And, in fact, where this has been tried it has worked! North Carolina, which offers financial incentives to teachers for improved student learning, has shown the greatest student improvement in math and reading in the nation over the past ten years. Bibliography: .

Communication Between Parents and Children Essays

Communication Between Parents and Children Essays Communication Between Parents and Children Essay Communication Between Parents and Children Essay The causes of the lack of communication between parents and children can have several causes: personal characteristics, distances, traumas, addictions etc. In the case of the story read, A Day s Wait, little Chats is sick: He was shivering, his face was white, and he walked slowly as though it ache to move; his father reacts Like any parent would react by asking if the child is not feeling well: Whats the matter, Chats; son responds by saying that he Just has a headache. A dad that Is more sensitive to the feelings of the son would have Insisted upon noting that the son does not appear to be feeling well. There Is parents who do not have facility to handle and deal with their childrens feelings, perhaps because he himself has gone through a salary situation, a trauma. The alcoholism can disrupt for obvious reasons: If the father cannot deal with their own feelings Imagine with other people. Distance and also Intuitive, depending on the availability of technologies. However these are not cases of history. In dealing with the consequences of the lack of communication between parents and children, these may vary between fights, more trauma, family breakdown, separation, misunderstandings, dislikes etc. In the case of this reading, one of the major consequences was the anguish in which the child spent all day: He lay still in the bed and Seemed very detached from what was going on. So, to avoid these situations, the best thing to do to and try to understand the other persons feelings, try to imagine what the other person is going through, insisting because sometimes when people go through bad situations they may find it difficult to express their feelings and end falling in a zone of bitterness. In the case of this story, the resolution left the question of the child: About what time do you think l m going to die?

Benjamin Franklin Gender Roles

The autobiography is based around the age of reason and a time man was thought to be able to be perfected by means of science and invention. The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin is full of success, however, the male gender prevails much more than the female gender. The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin begins In 1706, when Benjamin was born. He was the fifteenth of seventeen children. HIS father, , had intended that Benjamin go to school to become a minister. However, Benjamin showed a great love for reading and writing and soon enough the path to become a minister was abandoned.At age ten, he was soon taken out of school to begin work with his father . This work Included making candles and soap. During this time, Bens father taught him the importance of debate, which would stick with Ben for the rest of his life. Not long after, Benjamin began to work for his brother James, a printer. Ben signed an eight year work contract with his brother. Ben disliked his fathers trade and preferred working for a printer because it allowed him to read and hone his writing skills. This brief history of Bens childhood alone shows the importance of the male gender during the .A female would never have been given a Job at a printing press or put through school in the same way that Benjamin was. HIS success began right when he was born because of his father putting him through school and finding jobs for him. More importantly, his father teaching him the importance of debate is a groundbreaking moment. Benjamin Franklin is known as a political figure and scientist/inventor. Learning the Importance of debate at such a young age clearly served him in great and many ways. Benjamin Franklin spent his teen years practicing his writing. In 1 720,James started a newspaper known as the New England . According to Franklin, this was the second newspaper in America. Franklin worked as a delivery boy and would publish his own writings anonymously. Franklin often disputed politics and books with another bookish lad by the name of John Collins. One of their arguments speaks directly about the female gender during the . A question was once, somehow or other, started between Collins and me, of the propriety of educating the female sex in learning, and their abilities for study. He was of that It was Improper (Franklin, Benjamin. The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin. New York: Bantam Books, 1982, 14. ) Collins shares the same views and mentalities that many men of the shared. At the time, it was was it a waste but Collins specifically states that it is improper. l took to the contrary side, perhaps a little for disputes sake. (Franklin. The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin, 14. ) This statement, made by Benjamin Franklin, is of great importance. He goes against the general population, whether by choice or simply for the sake of argument.When he states that it was perhaps a little for disputes sake, e leaves room for the reader to assume that he was in fact for the education of women. That being said, this doesnt mean he is wishing their success in following the American dream like many women are more than capable of doing today. Nonetheless, the fact that Franklin promotes their educational well-being at all is a big step and is of significance. Benjamin Franklin doesnt mention too much about his own familys success. However, the beginning of The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin is written as a letter to his son, William. William did succeed however, quite well in fact. He went on to be the royal governor of New Jersey in 1771. Benjamin wife, Deborah Read, was never mentioned as being a very successful woman. In fact, together, they lost a son who was only four years old at the time. This death is only given a brief mention, most likely in order to not relive the tragedy. Within Franklins family, the male gender prevails. The most significant sign of this is with William Franklins rise to royal governor of New Jersey. However, there is also a great deficit within the male gender of Franklins family.The passing of Franklins second son wows that while the male gender succeeded greatly during the Age of Reason, there was also a great loss as well. The were designed for a male to succeed. From the beginning of the discovery of America, which was done by Columbus and mostly men, the male gender has taken leadership. It has taken nearly five hundred years for females to become as successful as they are today, and yet they still arent equal with men. In conclusion, even if it wasnt by choice, Benjamin Franklin and the male gender in general were much more successful than the female gender during the and the Age of Reason.

Summary for Data Comparison of Sprint and TMobil Case Study

Summary for Data Comparison of Sprint and TMobil - Case Study Example There can be different types of leverage involved in a financial sector. It can be a financial leverage, operating leverage, combined stand-alone or even correlation leverage. Leverage is generally measured by leverage ratios. For example, financial leverage can be determine either by debt-to-equity ratio, debt-to-value ratio or interest coverage ratio. Sprint Nextel and T-Mobile.USA (a subsidiary of T-Mobile International AG) are the third and fourth largest carrier in the United States, serving over 82.8 customers across United States. Being close competitors both companies are trying to surpass each other both in terms of investment and its returns. On Feb 28th, 2008 SmartBrief Inc.released the fourth quarter and full year 2007 results of both companies. According to press leases, for fiscal year 2007, Sprint Nextel revenues decreased about 2.2% reaching to $40.1 billion versus $41.0 billion in 2006. The decline in revenue was due to a reduced contribution from Wireless, partially offset by an improved contribution from Wireline, an investment gain and an income tax benefit in the fourth quarter of 2007. Its net assets declined to $64,109 millions in 2007 compared to $97,161 millions in previous year. Compared to Sprint Nextel "T-Mobile continues to drive strong year-over-year growth by pioneering innovation that matters to consumers," said Robert Dotson, CEO and President, T-Mobile USA. In years 2007, T-Mobile total revenues and asserts have raised to $19,288 millions and $43,359 - a 1.2% and 1.7% increase compared to 2006. The major contributing factors for an increase in revenue were contract, equipment sales, roaming and few other services, while short-term affiliate receivable loan and current portion of net deferred taxes resulted an increase in assets. For 2007, Sprint Nextel's debt to equity ratio - a measure of financial leverage - remained 0.34 compared to 0.22 for 2006. The total decrease in liabilities was 4.4% ($42,110 millions, for 2007, $44,030 millions for 2006) .This decrease was due to a decrease in accrued expenses liabilities, Long-term debt and capital lease obligations, deferred tax and other current year liabilities. Overall the for 2007, average financial leverage was 2.91 compared to 1.83 in previous year (Sprint Nextel Corporation: Profitability, 2008). During year 2007, T - Mobile total liabilities reduced too $5,297 millions compare $5,648 for 2006 (T-Mobile USA Reports Fourth Quarter and Full Year, 2008).Sprint Nextel's total operating costs for 2007, has increased to $69,056 million compared to $38,519 millions for 2006. Costs of services increased 3% annually and 1% sequentially. The increase is primarily due to a larger number of cell sites on air. Cost of products was 7% below the fourth quarter of 2006 due to the decrease in the cost we pay for handsets. Cost of products in the quarter was flat with the third quarter. The ratio of fixed costs to total costs- an operating leverage measure was recorded to 0.78 compared to 0.60. The difference between

PROJECT 3 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

PROJECT 3 - Essay Example Practical mode of action research allows the researcher and the practitioner to communally merge so as to identify the actual potential problems. While working in a single unit, they are able to find out the underlying causes and to formulate possible solutions and stratagems (Newton and Burgess, 2008). According to Blaxter, Tight and Hughes (2010), mutual understanding is usually sought in practical action research, while the main goal is set to understanding practice and finding solutions to problems at hand. Practical mode of action research is known to adopt a non-positivist, ductile and a pliable technique to change. This kind of action research is commonly used in the field of education and other arenas, such as practitioner and human service development. Practical action research can therefore be summarized as an essential, a spot on and an immediate procedure that is specifically designed to tackle a concrete problem and provide a reliable solution. Other modes of action research tend to singularly identify a problem and tackle it in isolation, divorcing it from other contexts. One key feature or component of practical action research is the variation of knowledge that can be obtained while seeking solution to the problem. There are three main conditions which must be satisfied for a condition to be regarded as a critical, practical action research. The three conditions are individually essential and jointly competent in meeting practical action research requirements. The three are: 1. The project must involve the people responsible for the problem at hand at all moments of the activity. This aspect enables the project to widen the participation borders to gradually include any other parties that might have been affected by the problem at hand. The collaborative nature and control of the project must also be maintained. 3. The project must pass through, and successfully meet all the requirements of planning,

Post-traumatic Stress Disorder in Soldiers in Iran Essay Example for Free

Post-traumatic Stress Disorder in Soldiers in Iran Essay Abstract   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The conditions of post-traumatic conditions have been one of the major side effects on soldiers engaging wars and negative environment in the area of Iran. The psychological impact of this event involves various manifestations that prove to be non-beneficial and may even impair the psychological, mental, emotional and physical health of these soldiers. Even though the condition is widely known, the advent of social conflicts and emerging wars in the Pakistani- Iran environment has continuously caused the negative trauma among soldiers facing the threats. Post-traumatic Stress Disorder (PSTD) in Soldiers in Iran Introduction   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   In general psychological perspective, soldiers who engage in war with exposure to at least one battle can suffer trauma. The longer the exposure to war’s traumatic circumstances the deeper the post-traumatic sense of a life-death continuum that rests at the heart of the PTSD syndrome. Soldiers with exposure to trauma would experience various post-traumatic states. In a military culture that emphasizes courage under fire, counterphobic impulsivity would dominate as the ideal mental and emotion state, and promoted the aggressive personality. Each soldier has a breaking point at which phobia breaks through. In some cases, phobia dominated from the beginning. The point at which the soldier’s spirit broke would lead to a state pf phobic withdrawal. In either case, the exposure to battle or an environment where death and dying by implements of war were common would create a life-death continuum (Reid, 2001 p.427).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   As soldiers rotated home or were sent home wounded, difficulties became apparent. While many came home and resumed their lives, some brought home drug dependencies and emotional problems, including explosive anger, distrust of others and vigilance beyond what was considered normal. The problems came to the attention of the medical groups, Andover time, doctors and psychiatrists began to elaborate on the concept of traumatic stress and PSTD (Roberts, 2003 p. 6). The most immediate effects of traumatic scenarios are manifested in the sensory that causes overload through sudden exposure to the bewildering, often exotic details of a much less advanced and alien society. Iran-American soldiers are both victims of the traumatic events experienced in the war; thus, engages these individuals in PSTD. Discussion PSTD: An Overview   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   What is now referred to as PSTD has been around since recorded history under many different designations and description, and the most prominent manifestations are for those individuals who engage in traumatic events, such as war and deviant phenomenon (Lewis, 2006 p,63). PSTD occurs in response to the personal experience of overwhelming, terrifying, potentially lethal stress directed toward oneself or someone with whom the individual has a close attachment. The condition is a unique mental disorder that develops directly as a result of exposure to some type of trauma (Lewis, 2006 p,62). Examples of possible precipitations of PSTD would include severe automobile accidents, being raped or assaulted, and being exposed violent events. The individual then re-experiences the event in various ways, such as recurrent stressful recollections of the event, dreams of the event, and a sense that the traumatic event may be occurring again. The individual then attempts to avoid such cues in different methodologies, such as numbing of responses or becoming distant and removed (Mitchell, 2001 p.107).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   In the field of traumatic stress studies, it has been common, if not traditionally accepted, to define trauma by the nature of the stressors that influence the individual. Psychologically traumatic event can be construed as one in which the person has experienced an external stressor event that is injurious to the normal state and results in a condition that reflects this injury to the pre-traumatic state of being (Lewis, 2006 p,62-63). Thus, the injury caused by a traumatic event could produce varying degrees of distress to the victim for varying lengths of time, depending on the nature of the person, the nature of the traumatic experience, and the personal and social resources available for recovery and re-stabilization of the psychological state (Williams, 1994 p.7). PSTD is an unusual emotional disorder in that unlike disorders, such as depression and panic disorder, it is not defined simply in terms of its symptoms. To qualify for a diagnosis of PSTD, an individual must be exposed to an incident in which he or she feels that his or her life, safety, or emotional integrity has been seriously threatened. Often, for victims who have experienced a traumatic event, they may first be diagnosed with an adjustment disorder or an acute stress disorder (Lewis, 2006 p,62). Wars have provided a setting where large numbers of soldiers, subjected to varying degrees of stress, could be observed and studied by physicians of the period. The stress caused by war has been codified and labeled with such terms as: combat exhaustion, traumatic war neurosis, war or combat stress and, most recently, PSTD (Scrignar, 1991 p.87). Assessing traumatic experiences and understanding their impact on the trauma victim involve determining what is stored in the trauma network. While keeping the stimulus, response, and meaning dimensions in mind, the clinician should listen carefully to the clients account of the trauma, and then inquire explicitly about memory elements that are absent or de-emphasized (Williams, 1992 p.24). PSTD symptoms are generally grouped into three categories (Lewis, 2006 p,63) Re-experiencing includes disturbed sleep, intrusive memories, distressing dreams, nightmares, flashbacks, reliving the event, a view of the world as unsafe. Numbing and avoidance mistrust of others, isolation and disconnection, emotional or psychic numbness, low self-esteem, neglect of health, dissociation, ability to remember memories or feelings but not both, memory loss for certain events, loss of faith and hope. Hyperarousal – intense emotions, difficulty sleeping, panic and anxiousness, self-harm, risky behaviors, irritability, anger, difficulty concentrating. PSTD: Sufferings of the Soldiers   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   In the aftermath of September 11, many parents and educators have struggled to help young people cope with traumatic events and have sought out ways to teach about crises without causing more trauma and stress. The conflict between Iran and United States has been pushed to its very limits; hence, initiated catastrophic moves during 2001 up to present, which caused the another class of America-Iran war. Many studies conducted by the American Psychiatric Association indicated that many American soldiers experience post-traumatic stress disorder, which follows a psychologically traumatic event outside of the range of usual human experiences. The symptoms may include nightmares, depression, withdrawal, hopelessness, sleep disorders, and other somatic complaints. The terrorism of September 11, 2001, and its association with Afghanistan have only added to the stress faced by the soldiers as well as the refugees living in the area as well as United States (Andrews and Boyle, 2002 p.328).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Military psychologists have long known that fear, stress, and exhaustion cause more casualties than do bombs and bullets. The ratios of psychological to physical casualties can be enormous considering the fact that war-related trauma is potentially severe, repeated and prolonged. Many American soldiers who fought for Iran and Afghanistan war during terrorism counter-siege have experienced immense manifestations psychological torture. According to psychological analysts, the primary goal of terrorism is to inflict psychological trauma for political ends. The exploitation of terror for political purposes is hardly new, when the French government employed terrorism to buttress the revolution (Allen, 2005 p.9).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   According to statistics issued by United States Army of mental health, 76% of soldiers have been traumatized by deaths or severe injuries of individuals close to them, while 55% of the soldiers have experienced near-death situations (e.g. bomb explosions, bomb trap, and roadside explosions). These causations have been deemed as the primary contributor to the occurrence of the said conditions (Weinstein, 2006). The table below shows the decline and rise of lethality, fatality and psychological trauma caused by the terrorism in the surveyed American military force. Table 1. Decline and Rise of Lethality, Fatality and Psychological Trauma Caused by the Terrorism Year U.S Dept. of State # Incidents U.S. Dept. of State # of Fatalities U.S Dept. of State #. Psychologically Traumatized 1994 322 314 663 1995 440 177 6,277 1996 296 314 2,915 1997 304 221 693 1998 273 741 5,952 1999 392 233 706 2000 423 405 791 2001 567 * 50,000 8,902 2002 663 * 20,000 16,321 Note: * Data are crude estimates only since, the number of fatalities is yet to be determined due to lack of data available. Source: Das and Peter, 2003 p.43-44   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The table above shows variably rising and falling statistics with certain timeline that determines the probable cause of the rise and fall. For example, the recent terrorism attacks of 2001 has caused immense fatalities, and the number continued to progress but greatly lowered since most of the fatalities during 2002 are mostly from military activities. However, sad to say, the number of those who has been traumatized increased in two-folds due to the war that these military powers engaged. The trauma caused by war caused psychological impact due to trauma among these soldiers as manifested by the table statistics above; hover, PSTD may not be the sole classification of the trauma caused by the said impact. Other psychological trauma-related conditions have been reported to occur in these soldiers, such as phobia, severe anxiety disorders, etc (Das and Peter, 2003 p.45-46).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Post-traumatic conditions have been found to most of the soldiers that entered the episodes of war. Only recently (2006), the Ministry of Defense has decided to reward $375,000 upon membership to Armed Forces who have suffered PSTD from Iraq-American wars (Evans, 2006). The federal government has allotted these funds in order to provide free treatment of those soldiers who incur physical and psychological damage from the field, such as those with PSTD. Medications for PSTD patients, such as Fluoexetine, sertraline, paroxetine, propanolol, have been provided by the government in order to ensure the treatment progression of these soldiers. Furthermore, psychological counseling, treatment and management for remedy of phobia or trauma have been initiated through federal government’s grants (Weinstein, 2006; Evans, 2006). References: Allen, J. G. (2005). Coping with Trauma: Hope Through Understanding. American Psychiatric Pub. Andrews, M. M., Boyle, J. S. (2002). Transcultural Concepts in Nursing Care. Lippincott Williams Wilkins. Das, D. K., Kratcoski, P. C. (2003). Meeting the Challenges of Global Terrorism: Prevention, Control, and Global Terrorism. Lexington Books. Evans, M. (2006, November 17). MoD agrees  £375,000 for post-trauma stress. Retrieved January 10, 2008, from Times Online: http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/iraq/article1087438.ece Lewis, G. W. (2006). Organizational Crisis Management: The Human Factor. CRC Press. Matiolli, D. J. (2003, January). War with Iraq. Social Education, 67, Mitchell, J. (2001). Points of View: Stories of Psychopathology. Psychology Press. Reid, J. J. (2000). Crisis of the Ottoman Empire: Prelude to Collapse 1839-1878. Franz Steiner Verlag. Roberts, C. A. (2003). Coping with Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder: A Guide for Families. McFarland Company. Scott, M. J., Stradling, S. G. (2000). Counselling for Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder. SAGE. Scrignar, C. B. (1991). Stress Strategies: The Treatment of the Anxiety Disorders. Wellness Institute, Inc.. Weinstein, M. N. (2006, January). The Psychological Dilemma of Terrorism Post 9-11. Annals of the American Psychotherapy Association, 3, Williams, M. B. (1994). Handbook of Post-Traumatic Therapy. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.